The late US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most powerful incumbents of that office in US history. Whereas countless second-in-commands were confined to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney held substantial power during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complex. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the relaxed president pliable on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a group of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the strikes transformed him, leading him to become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on inaccurate intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced back then and I hold that view today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: in the worst case, lying, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a memorandum setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "access to crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be postured to operate alone when joint efforts prove impossible," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency generally inclined on implementing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been fired by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's face that everyone had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were whether thin or entirely misleading. He backed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney dismissed the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to catch the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the background that remains unseen leave his lair? This represents a nice way to work, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his business interests pursued him during his tenure as VP. While he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the firm rose from his quarter-million dollars while military head to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
